The persons featured in this piece, published on Fair Observer Beta (8/27/12), are Ali Fathollah-Nejad and Hillel Schenker. The former is an Iranian political scientist, who is a PhD candidate at University of London and the University of Münster. He also wrote The Iran Conflict and the Obama Administration, which was published in German in 2010. Fathollah-Nejad is a member of the working group on Security Policy of the Conference for Security and Cooperation in the Middle East. Schenker is a German peace activist.
"Iran and Israel: A Way Out of the Crisis?"
"Iran and Israel: A Way Out of the Crisis?"
Authors' Note:
Possible alternatives and the
perception of the spiral of violence discussed in Berlin by...Ali Fathollah-Nejad and...Hillel Schenker, at the invitation of
the German branch of the International Physicians for the Prevention
of Nuclear War (IPPNW Germany) and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation
(FES). The debate on which the following text is based upon was held
on April 23, 2012, at the FES before an audience of over 150
diplomats, politicians, academics, students, NGO activists and other
concerned citizens.
Moderator: Does the Middle-East
face an armed, nuclear conflict between Israel and Iran? In the
public discussion there are only three options: military action with
conventional weapons, a nuclear attack or a continuation of the
sanctions policy against Iran.
Ali Fathollah-Nejad: From the
beginning, the West has used coercive diplomacy against Iran. This
strategy does not aim at reconciliation of interests, but at a de
facto capitulation of Iran. From the Iranian perspective, there has
been a security deficit, which was enforced by the neoconservative
wars of the last decade through the increased military presence of
the Americans in the region. Due to the fact that the West didn’t
take into account Iran’s legitimate security interests, coercive
diplomacy has failed. The lack of any solution to the conflict has
led to a continuing escalation.
Moderator: What are the effects
of the sanctions policy of the West in Iran?
Ali Fathollah-Nejad: To put it
briefly, sanctions have made legal trade illegal. The situation in
Iran has dramatically tightened in the last few months. Prices are
rising and the currency has lost nearly half of its value. It is the
population who has to pay the price of sanctions. The élite owns the
resources and has ways to withstand the sanctions. Hence, the
sanctions actually widen the power gap between the ruling structures
on one side and the civilian economy and society on the other. As a
result, civil society finds itself in a state of siege, pressured by
both an authoritarian regime and by sanctions and the permanent
threat of war. Overall the policy of the West in the region pushed
forward a process of securitization in the country. Instead of
running towards an armed conflict, the focus should be on the process
of balancing interests and perspectives for security and
collaboration. It is alarming that there are no clear signals for
de-escalation and conflict resolution, and this is true for Germany
as well.
Moderator: Which are the
reactions of the Israeli population on the debate around a possible
attack on Iranian nuclear facilities?
Hillel Schenker: In Israel
everyone is frightened of the possibility of Iranian nuclear
armament. Public opinion surveys show this. For example the Israeli
population was asked how they would react in case of a nuclear
armament of Iran; 25% of the questioned, answered they would possibly
leave the country. Another survey shows that the majority of Israelis
would be for giving up the Israeli nuclear weapons and becoming a
part of a nuclear-free zone if this would prevent Iran from getting
nuclear weapons.
Moderator: Is the statement from
Iran that they are only interested in nuclear energy for civil use,
convincing?
Ali Fathollah-Nejad: Due to its
geography, its demography and its long cultural history, Iran has a
particular place in the region. The country has a quasi-natural
geopolitical influence. An important component of the strategic
thinking in Tehran is that a nuclear bomb is counter-productive to
their grand-strategic interests. If Iran went nuclear, it is probable
that other states in the region, states which Iran is not friends
with, like the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), such
as Saudi Arabia, would get nuclear weapons. Such a nuclear stand-off
would lead to the loss of the natural geopolitical importance of
Iran.
Moderator: Which options about
the Iranian nuclear program are discussed in the Israeli public?
Hillel Schenker: In the public
discussion there are currently two strategies of how to deal with the
Iranian nuclear program. One idea is an Israeli or American or
coordinated nuclear attack against the Iranian nuclear facilities. A
large [number] of military experts expect that this will lead to a
spiral of violence in the region with a lot of civilian victims
without leading to success. Another option would be a combination of
sanctions and negotiations. But there is a third: direct negotiations
between the two parties on neutral ground. These negotiations should
aim to create a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East. In 2010 at a
NPT (Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty) review conference, it was
decided that an international conference should be held to create
such a nuclear weapons-free zone. The conference will be held at the
end of this year, 2012, or at the beginning of next year in Finland,
with the facilitation of Finnish Under-Secretary of State Jaakko
Laajava.
Moderator: How can civil society
help lead this conference to success?
Hillel Schenker: From the point
of view of the civil society it is essential that Israel and Iran
will be attending this conference. If either does not attend, the
conference will be a failure. The second point is the conference
should not be a one-time event. It has to be the beginning of a
process. Thirdly, all the participants have to recognize that a
nuclear and mass destruction weapons-free zone and peace in the
Middle East are not mutually exclusive; they depend on each other and
they have to take place simultaneously.
A previous version was posted on the
website of the Palestine–Israel Journal of Politics, Economics and
Culture on July 25, 2012. Fathollah-Nejad’s statements were
originally made in German; the present version presents an edited
translation thereof.
The views expressed in this article are
the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s
editorial policy.
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