This article, by Kaveh Afrasiabi
(former political science professor at the University of Tehran, and
former advisor to Iran's nuclear negotiation team) comes from the
Opinion page of the New York Times
(8/23/12):
Gathering
Hope in Tehran
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS — The
Nonaligned Movement’s much-heralded summit meeting next week in
Tehran — featuring dozens of leaders from the developing world,
including President Mohamed Morsi of Egypt and Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh of India, as well as the U.N. secretary general, Ban
Ki-moon — will elevate Iran as the movement’s new president for
three years and enhance Tehran’s regional and international clout.
Tehran wants to seize this opportunity
to neutralize Western-imposed isolation over its nuclear efforts and
to defend its program, which has been consistently supported at past
Nonaligned Movement summits as well as by Nonaligned countries in the
International Atomic Energy Agency. Concurrent with the Tehran summit
will be a new round of Iran-I.A.E.A. talks in Vienna that holds out
the promise of greater nuclear transparency by Iran.
Unfortunately, the United States and a
number of other Western countries have adopted a purely negative
approach toward the Tehran summit, going even as far as urging Ban to
boycott it since the host nation is in defiance of U.N. resolutions
on the nuclear issue. But the secretary general must be lauded for
exercising independent judgment in deciding to go to Tehran for the
meeting. After all, there are 120 Nonaligned Movement member states
in the U.N. General Assembly, and U.N. chiefs have regularly attended
Nonaligned Movement summits.
Although the Tehran summit has been
mocked as a “bacchanal of nonsense,” it is likely to have
significant implications, above all for regional peace and stability.
As a case in point, both Singh and President Asif Ali Zardari of
Pakistan have stated their intention to meet on the summit’s
sidelines to discuss bilateral issues. And though Syria’s embattled
president, Bashar al-Assad, may not participate, the crisis in Syria
will be on the agenda and may culminate in a new Nonaligned Movement
mediation push to complement the efforts of both the United Nations
and the Organization of the Islamic Conference.
At a recent O.I.C. conference in Mecca,
Morsi proposed forming a contact group on Syria comprising Iran,
Egypt, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. This idea could now earn the blessing
of the Nonaligned Movement and demonstrate how a new Middle East can
chart its own destiny after the Arab Spring.
Morsi’s decision to go to Tehran
indicates a thaw in Iran-Egypt relations and could be the harbinger
of a diplomatic normalization between the two countries that could
greatly enhance stability in the region.
With respect to the stalemated nuclear
negotiations between Iran and the “P5+1” nations — the U.N.
Security Council’s permanent members plus Germany — the Tehran
summit is expected to produce some good. As the Nonaligned Movement
underscores the extent of international support for Iran’s right to
enrich uranium for peaceful purposes, the United States and its
allies will be pressed to drop their rigid insistence on a complete
halt to Iran’s enrichment efforts and take a more nuanced approach
to help break the deadlock on the issue.
The Western offer to provide nuclear
reactor fuel and aviation parts in exchange for Tehran shutting down
its high-grade enrichment work was called “ungenerous” by the
International Crisis Group. It is clear that one-dimensional,
coercive diplomacy on this matter will not yield a positive result —
and that the Western diplomatic approach toward Iran needs to be much
more flexible and prudent.
Practical steps could help a lot. China
and Russia both have observer status at the Nonaligned Movement. So
why have the United States and the European Union failed to join them
by seeking observer status, too? The movement’s goals and
aspirations should not be a bar to this; after all, the United States
sends observers to O.I.C. meetings that habitually condemn Israel.
The time has come for the West to
reconsider its hostility toward the Nonaligned Movement. A small
olive branch could be extended if the United States and the European
Union requested observer status. And the deep North-South divide
could begin to close.
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